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Former INEC REC says BVAS is unimpeachable

February 2, 2023 by BN Africa

Mr Mike Igini, a lawyer and former Resident Electoral Commissioner, REC, in Akwa Ibom State, in this interview, speaks on the Osun governorship Tribunal judgment and the integrity of the Bimodal Voters Accreditation, BVAS, machines among others insisting that BVAs will guarantee credible balloting

What do you make of the claim of over-voting by the Osun Tribunal despite the use of BVAS and its integrity?

The tribunal did not make any adverse or negative finding against the BVAS per se but on the propriety of three reports of accreditation data and the resultant attempts by people to discredit the BVAS, given that the BVAS will be used in the general elections and many Nigerians are worried by what they read on social media that are completely false about BVAS.

As they gang up to tell lies about BVAS, we will say the truth about it. It is the people who are afraid of BVAS and have been opposed to its use in the forthcoming election that are making uninformed comments to discredit the BVAS. This gross misunderstanding is as a result of the final outcome of the court that returned victory to another person other than that initially declared, which seems to create doubts and thoughts that BVAS has issues of fidelity and credibility.

However, this notion is wholly and totally incorrect and not true. The integrity of the BVAS is intact, it has no problem.

I urge all Nigerians to disregard and reject all such insinuations about this device that is the new sheriff in our electoral process.

In effect, you are saying that the judgment of the tribunal validated the usefulness of BVAS?

The integrity of the BVAS has not been impeached, the tribunal affirmed our longstanding efforts to enthrone the principle of one-person-one vote and the value of electoral accountability in the system through the use of the BVAS that allows for meaningful auditing of every vote that must be counted and taken into account to determine the winner of any election now at the polling units and no longer at results collation centers; either at Wards, LGAs or other levels of collation. The use of BVAS is a matter of law and procedure as mandated by the 2022 Act and there is no going back on it. There is nothing, absolutely nothing, to be worried about the device. In fact, the tribunal itself relied on one of the reports of the BVAS, which is the ultimate primary source of ascertaining data of accredited voters to make its final declaration and that reinforced the integrity and credibility of the BVAS.

On doubts being created by the Osun tribunal over discrepancies of three reports of accreditation and why should INEC give three reports

Let me use a sample analogy of what happened in a constituency in Akwa lbom during the 2019 elections, as I did on Channels Television to answer your question. The current advanced and more sophisticated and robust BVAS accreditation and result upload device technology is an offshoot of the smart card reader. Every presiding officer at the end of the poll will sort out the ballot, count and enter total number of votes scored and accredited on the result sheet called Form EC8A, signed by him and countersigned by party agents, who are entitled to duplicates of same result. One very critical duty that the presiding officer must perform is the upload of data from BVAS of the number of accredited voters to the INEC Server.

Meanwhile, the BVAS as designed, whenever it is idle, it will upload accredited data on its own particularly during the period the presiding officer is busy sorting and counting ballot papers. Thus, if for example, at the end of the poll there was 150 total accredited numbers but while the BVAS was idle only a 100 of that with their unique voters identification number (VIN) had been uploaded, the presiding officer must ensure that the remaining 50 data is pushed (uploaded) into the server. Where the presiding officer negligently or failed to upload the entire accredited data (150) except the 100 data uploaded by the BVAS when in idle mode, a certified true copy of the accreditation data should not be given at this point until the remaining data of the yet to be uploaded accredited voters (50) are uploaded.

However, where any of the candidates that participated in the election that applied insist for a certified true copy of the report of what has been uploaded so far from the Server back end in order to file or maintain his petition, any such certified true copy obviously will reflect inchoate accreditation data uploaded while the BVAS was idling, that is, the 100 number instead of 150 which is the final actual total accredited voters on the form EC8A. This gives an erroneous notion of over-voting, which is not true. That is why such preliminary data report requested for by any candidate ought to be or must be marked by the commission as an “interim report” pending final aggregation, addition or harmonization of outstanding data.

This is necessary because if the physical audit of the BVAS is carried out and the 50 remaining number of accredited data is added, it will be 150 accredited voters which tallies with the form EC8A. This is not over-voting according to Section 51 of the 2022 Act that defines over-voting as a situation where the total number of votes cast exceeds total number of accredited voters.

All these controversies would have been avoided if the initial incomplete report from the server which is a secondary source was marked “interim report.”

The BVAS is the ultimate primary source of determining any claim of over-voting.

Except the BVAS is destroyed completely, there is nothing anyone can do to manipulate it because it is designed in a way that evidence trail of every effort to tamper with the memory will show that it was tampered with in an effort to circumvent it. It is not easily compromised unlike ordinary hard copy of voters register that anyone can just tick or mark as people who were accredited.

It is designed to put the voters at the center of our electoral democracy and the candidates at the periphery of the process on Election Day. Look, many politicians will be retired by this system as many will suffer the dinosaur’s experience. Electoral victory and salvation now lies in the hands of the people through their ballots on Election Day. This is the reality of the usefulness of the BVAS that has returned power to the people to determine, who governs them.

In several interviews you expressed worries over your constituency, the judiciary, that it should be fearless and courageous. Do you still have concern about its performance?

Yes, and frankly I’m not only worried I’m indeed very disturbed over the performance of my constituency when it comes to high profile political matters and the kind of judgments that come from our courts. This is historical and why should that be the case? Let me be clear here, if the institution of representative democracy will have a hopeful future in Nigeria, it will depend on the role of a fearless and courageous judiciary that will do substantial electoral justice and not technical justice according to the letters of the law devoid of the spirit of the law.

Giving how fearless and courageous the Nigerian judiciary performed under the military when we were under the rule of force, I’m sad and pained that in a civilian era when we are supposed to be under the rule of law, we appear now to be under the rule of men. The political interest of the elites that have marginalized, exploited, blackmailed and humiliated the judiciary the most are the ones whose interest the judiciary now serves more. The rule of law is preferable to the rule of men no matter how magnanimous. In our own clime, many elites (not all) are so bad that their thoughts and stomachs are nothing but museum of horror.

Are you saying that under this democracy, the judiciary has not demonstrated enough courage in handling high profile political matters?

Precisely that is what I’m saying. My beloved constituency, the judiciary, was more audacious and professional in its calling during the military regime despite the humiliation that it suffered. Justice Ademola, JCA, as he was then, declared during that terrible period of terror that, the judiciary will not “blow muted trumpets” on matters of the rule of law and justice. Are we not blowing muted trumpets now in a civilian rule? How did we get to a point in our electoral democracy that people who didn’t participate in a party primary will be declared by courts as candidates of a party and actual participants and winners denied? Is that a mark of progress or retrogression? What will be the perception of ordinary members of such a party about our judiciary? The judiciary is like a video assisted referee they call VAR, it’s the last line of defence in any electoral democracy, particularly in our kind of system where politicians don’t want to abide by rules.

The judiciary must not bow to the intimidation of political elites or collapse under the suffocating pressure and influence of corrupt politicians, who do not subscribe to free, fair and credible election. The judiciary is the last bastion of ordered compliance with electoral governance, when it fails you invite anarchy and social dystopia. Hence, a judiciary that shows signs of weakness to deal with the activities of extra-constitutional actors does not augur well for the sustenance of democracy.

With the scenario that you have captured do you still think that the judiciary is still the last hope of the common man?

The painful and sad irony of the situation of the common man is that he has no true access to the service of the judiciary for various reasons ranging from cost of seeking justice, poverty, and problem of long adjournments and so on. The common man has resorted to God as his last hope like those who have been denied their legitimate victory as candidates who have left everything to God.

As things are at the moment, it would appear that it is a person of suspect intellect that will parrot the shibboleth that the judiciary is the last hope of the common man if there is no change. Is the ideology of our judiciary that of protection of regimes, high profile citizens like politicians or just to interpret the law as it is and have no business seeing that their judgments meet public expectations ?

What can we do to bring back the era of fearless and courageous judiciary giving the condition of judges in terms of welfare?

That is at the heart of the problem why everything appears to be under alarm and nothing under control. We must tell ourselves the inconvenient truth of the fact that our advocacy and clamour for independent, fearless and courageous judiciary will be meaningless and hopeless if we do not urgently take steps to improve and guarantee the material condition of judges. We know the unacceptable conditions they are constrained to do their job; we hear and read of shameful reports across the country of retired judges, who are not paid their entitlement and are suffering. That is why judges are vulnerable and politicians think they can treat them the way they like which is unfortunate.

Furthermore and perhaps far very important, is the need to ensure that appointment of judges and promotion should be strictly on merit and serious background check of the integrity of such individuals. That is why the Austrian Jurist, Eugene Erhlich, declared that “there is no guarantee of justice except the integrity of the judge.” We must consciously ensure and insist on having the best and most qualified to be appointed as judges.

Court okays Otunla’s trial despite EFCC refunds

February 2, 2023 by BN Africa

The Court of Appeal, Abuja, has set aside the judgment of a lower court barring the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, from initiating either civil or criminal proceedings against former Accountant General of the Federation, AGF, Jonah Otunla.

A three-member panel of the Court of Appeal, in a judgment, marked: CA/A/657/2021, on Monday held that Mr Otunla failed to prove that there was actually a non-prosecution agreement between him and the EFCC.

The court upheld the arguments of EFCC’s lawyer, Sylvanus Tahir, SAN, and resolved the four issues, identified for determination, in favour of the Commission. Justice Danlami Senchi, who read the judgment, noted that Mr Otunla did not provide any written commitment, except his words and that of his lawyer, that such an agreement existed.

Justice Senchi held that Mr Otunla could not halt his prosecution by merely claiming that there was an agreement, which existence he failed to establish with any credible evidence. “In the instant case, there is no evidence to support the pleading of the respondent (Otunla) that he will not be prosecuted; that criminal or civil proceedings should not be instituted or initiated against him. There is no plea bargain or any documentary evidence relating to the President Panel for the Recovery of Funds. On the whole, the appeal is meritorious and it is allowed. The judgment of the Federal High Court, in suit number: FHC/ABJ/CS/2321/2021 delivered on the 16th day of July 2021 delivered by honourable Justice I. E. Ekwo is hereby set aside,” he said.

Other members of the panel – Justices Stephen Adah and Elfreda Williams-Daudu – agreed with the lead judgment.

The EFCC investigated Mr Otunla in relation to two cases: The alleged diversion of about N24billion meant for disengaged staff of the defunct Power Holding Company of Nigeria, PHCN, and the N2billion allegedly received from the office of the National Security Adviser, ONSA.

Justice Inyang Ekwo of the Federal High Court in Abuja had, in the July 16, 2021 judgment, upheld Mr Otunla’s claim of an existing verbal agreement between him and the then acting chairman of the EFCC, Ibrahim Magu, that he would not be prosecuted if he make refund to the Federal Government.

Justice Ekwo, in the 2021 judgment on the suit, marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/2321/2021 filed by Mr Otunla, held among others, that, in view of the assurance given to him by Mr Magu, which informed his refund of the money, he could no longer be prosecuted for his actions while in office between 2011 and 2015.

Mr Otunla had, in an affidavit, claimed that Magu promised him that he would not be prosecuted should he return funds traced to him and companies linked to him and his associates.

He stated that sometime in 2015, he was invited by a team of EFCC’s investigators, probing alleged diversion of funds from the office of the National Security Adviser , ONSA, and the Power Holding Company of Nigeria , PHCN, pension funds.

Mr Otunla said he later met with Mr Magu, in the course of the investigation, when the then acting EFCC Chair told him in person to “refund the monies linked to your companies and nobody will prosecute you.”

He said, based on Mr Magu’s promise, he had a reconciliatory meeting with the team of investigators, where he immediately undertook to make available some funds as refunds.

In line with the agreement, Mr Otunla said one of the companies linked to him – Stellar Vera Development Ltd – refunded N750million, another company – Damaris Mode Coolture Ltd – refunded N550million, while the two firms later made additional joint refund of N2,150,000,000.00 (Two billion, One Hundred and Fifty Million Naira only).

He added that, at a point, he raised several manager’s cheques for N10million in favour of the EFCC, which he handed to the Economic Governance Section.

Mr Otunla said, in all, he made a refund of N6,392,000,000.00 (Six Billion, Three Hundred and Ninety Two Million Naira only) to the Federation Account through the EFCC.

Wole Olanipekun and his newly-donated Ekiti courthouse

February 1, 2023 by BN Africa

“Nothing is to be done which creates even a suspicion that there has been an improper interference with the course of justice.” Lord Hewart, 9 Nov, 1923 in R v. Sussex Justices, [1924] 1 KB 256

Something extraordinary happened in Ikere-Ekiti in Ekiti State, southwest Nigeria, on January 19, 2023. On that day, the governor of the state, Abiodun Oyebanji, received and commissioned a new courthouse built by a senior lawyer, Chief Oluwole Oladapo Olanipekun. Luminaries from various walks such as politics, faith, business, and the professions graced the event. ThisDay newspaper led in describing the project as an act of “selfless philanthropy”. Governor Oyebanji himself invited the state’s “indigenes all over the world to emulate this act of generous giving back.”

Chief Olanipekun, who built the courthouse, is a proud son of Ikere, where the new courthouse is located. His credentials in the universe of Nigerian philanthropy are not in dispute. He is a benefactor of leading universities in the country, including the Universities of Ibadan and Lagos, as well as the Ajayi Crowther University. He gave generously to alleviate suffering during the worst months of the COVID-19 pandemic.

For decades, Chief Olanipekun has run a scholarship scheme to support the tuition and stipends of indigent students in various levels of education in Nigeria up to graduate studies as well as vocational studies in the Nigerian Law School. With some justification, philanthropy has been described as his way of life.

Chief Olanipekun is arguably the most successful Nigerian lawyer of his generation. He runs one of the biggest law firms in the country and is the lawyer of choice to presidents, politicians, and profitable companies. He became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) in 1991 before being elected President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), eleven years later. He has served as Pro-Chancellor and Chair of Governing Council of several universities around the country. He also now leads the Body of Benchers, the statutory body responsible for admitting new lawyers into the legal profession. He is himself a father of two SANs.

The construction of this courthouse was not done in secret. As Chief Olanipekun made plain at the commissioning ceremony, the project “was initiated with the consent and permission of the Honourable Chief Judge of Ekiti State, who also approved and modified the drawings appropriately.”

This is where the problems begin: what exactly was the Chief Judge thinking when he gave consent for a lawyer in active private practice to build and “donate” a courthouse to the judiciary? Despite everything that can be said in favour of well-appointed courthouses, the idea of any person building and “donating” one to the judiciary anywhere is so staggering in its implications that it must be rejected out of hand as a model for addressing the manifest challenges of Nigeria’s judicial system. Of the many reasons that can be adduced for this, five stand out.

Let us begin with the most basic. Courthouses go to the very essence of statehood. The state exists for the well-being of all who live within it. To protect them, it enjoys certain basic monopolies. One is a presumptive monopoly on the legitimate use of violence; the other is a monopoly of legitimate adjudication.

The latter monopoly in fact precedes the former. If the state dispenses justice credibly, it diminishes the likelihood that grievances can boil over into violence. This is why the monopoly over legitimate adjudication is not one to be trifled with.

Second, the credibility of the judicial function and public trust in its institutions is a high constitutional value dependent (in the words of Nigeria’s Constitution) on public perceptions of the “independence and impartiality” of the courts.

If one man builds a courthouse in a state from which he comes and in which he owns property or business, it is difficult to see how any decisions issued in that courthouse can be free from the whiff of partiality.

Even people who come from his village and whose cases have to be decided in that court will never be free of the perception that their cases may have been decided in a particular way because the courthouse was built by their famous son. Judges who sit in such courts could live under a perpetual cloud. No matter how hard they try to be fair, firm, and just, their decisions will never be impartial enough.

Third, a lawyer in active practice cannot be allowed to build or donate a courthouse for obvious reasons: such a project can never be free of perceptions of professional influence peddling.

This particular donation could soon prove to be more expensive than it is worth. In time, it will become grounds for appeal against decisions of judges who sit in it, exposing them to innuendoes and denuding them of the intangible assets of trust and confidence on which the judicial function is anchored.

Fourth, this idea of donation of courthouses invites the classic slippery slope. Let us begin from the premise that this donation is motivated by the purest of intentions. Not every person who may choose hereafter to invest in this model of “philanthropy” can be credited with the same purity of purpose.

If one man can build and donate a courthouse, then every big man who has stolen money will sooner or later adopt that same model as their own down payment on impunity. In no time, courthouses around the country could become annexed into private estates of questionable provenance and their preoccupation will not be justice administration but decision-making as to who gets shafted both in reality and in the public perception.

Above all, it is impossible for this kind of project to avoid a violation of the constitutional rules of fair hearing and the Judicial Code of Conduct. Rule 1(4) of the Code precludes every judge from “contacts that may lead people to speculate that there is a special relationship between him and someone whom the Judge may be tempted to favour in some way in the course of his judicial duties.” How does a judge who sits in a court built by one man avoid the impression that he or she has a special relationship with the “owner” of the court?

It is not in doubt that Nigeria’s judicial system has far-reaching problems of both capital and recurrent kinds. The state may well be unable to fully pay for all that the courts need. If private contributions are needed, one response could be to adopt the model of the security trust fund established by many states to address insecurity and policing. A parallel for the judiciary could take the form of an Administration of Justice Trust Fund under suitable statutory guarantees.

The only question that remains is what to do with this ‘donation’ already made in Ekiti State. It would be proper to extend appreciation to the donor for his high sense of public duty. However, the facility can be repurposed for other uses – such as a public library – which will not impinge on public perceptions of the administration of justice. The public interest in a justice system that works for everyone demands no less.

It should be clear that this is not something that any state should have entertained or allowed. This kind of project guarantees an impression of improper interference in the administration of justice.

This deserves the attention of the NBA, the Chief Justice of Nigeria, and the National Judicial Council to ensure that this first will also be the last and the only instance of this kind of “donation” anywhere in Nigeria.

Odinkalu teaches at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy

Supreme Court to deliver judgment on Lawan vs Machina case

February 1, 2023 by BN Africa

The Supreme Court on Wednesday fixed February 6 for judgement in the long drawn legal battle over the authenticity of the Senatorial candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Entangled in the legal battle for the Senatorial ticket are the incumbent Senate President Ahmad Lawan and Bashir Machina.

The Apex Court fixed the judgement date after taking arguments from counsel for APC and Mr Machina.

Justice Centus Nweze who presided over a five-member panel of Justices of the Court fixed the date.

APC which is rooting for Mr Lawan as its senatorial candidate filed the appeal against the judgements of the Federal High Court and Court of Appeal which held Mr Machina as the party’s candidate.

In its arguments presented by Sepiribo Peters, APC claimed that the primary election conducted on May 27, 2022 which produced Mr Machina is unknown to law because it was conducted by unlawful people.

He claimed that another primary election conducted on June 6 which produced Mr Lawan was the authentic election of the party.

However, Sarafa Yusuff, counsel to Mr Machina asked the Apex Court to dismiss the APC’s appeal for being frivolous and baseless.

He informed the court that the Danjuma Manga Committee was set up by the APC to conduct the primary election on behalf of the National Working Committee of APC.

Mr Yusuff drew the attention of the court to an affidavit deposed to by Danjuma Manga to the effect that he was mandated along with five others by the APC National Secretariat to conduct the Senatorial primary elections in Yobe.

The counsel argued that up till now, the affidavit of the said Danjuma Manga had not been disputed or denied by the APC and subsequently urged the court to affirm Bashir Sheriff Machina as the authentic Senatorial candidate of APC for Yobe North Senatorial District.

NNPC Limited takes over Addax’s assets

February 1, 2023 by BN Africa

The Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited says it has taken over the operation of Production Sharing Contract assets from Addax Petroleum Development Nigeria Limited.

The NNPCL Chief Corporate Communications Officer, Garba Deen Muhammad, said this in a statement on Tuesday.

Muhammad said all closing obligations had been concluded and the assets transferred to the Concessionaire, NNPC Limited.

The takeover comes three months after the execution of the Addax Transfer, Settlement, and Exit Agreement (ATSEA) for the PSC Oil blocks, OMLs 123/124 & 126/137, operated by Addax Petroleum Limited.

Muhammadu said: “Consequently, NNPC has taken necessary steps to takeover the assets and oversee a clean, amicable, and speedy exit for Addax Petroleum Ltd., operate the asset on interim basis as a first step and subsequently appoint a competent replacement PSC contractor.

“This happened while NNPC Limited continues to remain the concessionaire of the assets in line with extant laws and regulations.

“Exit negotiations and formalities have been concluded and NNPC Ltd. in collaboration with the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation, NUPRC, NMDPRA, FIRS, EFCC, and the FCCPC have agreed on the clean and amicable exit for Addax.

“Agreement was reached by resolving all the PSC contractual issues, including litigations that culminated in the execution of a Transfer, Settlement, and Exit Agreement (TSEA) on November 1, 2022.”

According to Muhammad, with fulfilment of the closing obligations by the parties and effective January 31, 2023, Addax transfers the operatorship of OMLs 123/124 and 126/137 to Antan Producing Limited on interim basis.

He said the transfer would last through the transition period pending the emplacement of a substantive replacement PSC in compliance with the directive of President Muhammadu Buhari.

Muhammad said the NNPC Limited had already announced the appointment of the Transition Team Lead, Sagiru Jajere, as the Managing Director of Antan Producing Limited.

Before his appointment, Jajere was the Head of PSC Investment Management at the NNPC Upstream Investment Management Services.

The spokesman said that Jajere would be supported by a team of highly competent personnel with in-depth knowledge of the peculiarities of the Addax Assets.

He added: “As the Addax Assets return to NNPC Ltd, it is expected that the much needed investments will be deployed to the assets while prudently conducting petroleum activities and creating value for the PSC, government and other stakeholders.”

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